Lets have some History Thread

Construction of the bridge began in 1886 and was completed in 1894.
The photos show the steel framework of the two piers, which were clad in Cornish granite and Portland stone to protect the underlying steelwork.
Below is a sequence of 8 photos of the construction.
 
Two captured Luftwaffe bomber pilots walking among London citizens, September, 1940

Two captured Luftwaffe bomber pilots under military escort, casually walking through a London Underground Station. Sept 1940.

It’s the look of astonishment on the man wearing the hat that caught my attention!
 
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A postman tries to deliver the mail to a premise on Watling Street. The morning after a Luftwaffe raid.
St Paul’s Cathedral, stands defiantly, through the mist, in the background.
 
Well, September was a busy month for history events. Was at the Battle of Britain Air Show at Imperial War Museum, Duxford. Wonderful WW2 aeroplanes on display. Some modern aeroplanes as well. A week later was at the Goodwood Revival to watch classic cars and motorcycles racing. In addition, saw the Bayeux Tapestry at the British Museum and attended talks and events at the National Army Museum, Imperial War Museum and the Battle of Britain Bunker Museum. Despite trying not to buy too many books I failed badly. No surprise there.

This Thursday sees the start of the Chelsea History Festival. Programme in the link below. I'm going to a number of talks and yes I will buy books. Question is: how many.

 
Having watched the film Zulu this afternoon I thought it would be good to post about one of eleven recipients of the Victoria Cross and arguably the mastermind of the defence of Rorke's Drift.


b. 1833 London. d. 07/01/1887 Port Elizabeth, South Africa.

James Langley Dalton (1832-1887) was born in December 1832/possibly January 1833 in St Andrew’s Parish, London. He enlisted in 85th Regiment of Foot (later the Buckinghamshire Volunteers) in November 1849 aged 17. He transferred to the Commissariat Corps in 1862 as a Corporal, and was promoted to Sergeant in the following year. Four years later, he became a clerk and a Master-Sergeant. He served with Sir Garnet Wolseley on the Red River Expedition (Canada) in 1870.

James-L-Dalton-VC-2.jpg

James L Dalton VC 2
He retired from the army, with a Long Service & Good Conduct medal in 1871 after 22 years service. By 1877, he was in South Africa and volunteered for service as Acting Assistant Commissary with the British Force. It was largely due to his experience, which made the defence of Rorke’s Drift a success. At first his contribution was not recognised; however reports of his actions finally reached the ears of senior officers and even Queen Victoria.

His recommendation for the Victoria Cross was finally approved and the citation published in the London Gazette on 17th November 1879. During the night of 22nd/23rd January that year, he was actively involved in organising the defences. He was in the front line of defence, when the first Zulu assault was made on the hospital. It was the accurate firing of Dalton and his men which checked the Zulu advance, and he also saved the life of a man from the Army Hospital Corps, by shooting the Zulu who about to stab him with his assegai. Dalton was severely wounded during the fight, but continued to inspire with his courage.

He received his VC from General Hugh Clifford VC at a special parade at Fort Napier on 16 January 1880. He returned to army service being given a permanent commission. He sailed for England in February 1880. He soon returned to South Africa and took part shares in a gold mine. It is thought that he went to stay with his old friend, ex-Sgt John Sherwood Williams, at the Grosvenor Hotel, Port Elizabeth, Eastern Cape just before Christmas 1886. After spending the 7th January 1887 in bed, he died suddenly during the night, aged 53. He was buried in Russell Road RC Cemetery, Port Elizabeth. His medals are held by the Royal Logistic Corps Museum, Worthy Down, Winchester, Hampshire.



LOCATION OF MEDAL: ROYAL LOGISTIC CORPS MUSEUM, WORTHY DOWN, WINCHESTER, HAMPSHIRE.

BURIAL PLACE: RUSSELL ROAD ROMAN CATHOLIC CEMETERY, PORT ELIZABETH, SA.

PLOT E

























Acknowledgements:

Steve Lee www.memorialstovalour.co.uk – Images of James Dalton VC’s grave in Port Elizabeth, South Africa.

Thomas Stewart – Image of Dalton VC’s medal group at the Royal Logistic Corps Museum, Camberley.
 

From Normandy to Hastings: The Norman Invasion of England​

On the morning of 28 September 1066 Duke William of Normandy’s invasion fleet arrived off the Sussex coast, and disembarked at Pevensey. This was the culmination of months of planning and preparation, during which William had summoned the resources of his people and persuaded thousands of them to follow him in his great endeavour to win the English crown.

How did William achieve the remarkable logistical feat of raising an army and transporting it across the dangerous waters of the English Channel?
The scene in the Bayeux Tapestry depicting Harold (right) swearing an oath on holy relics to Duke William (left)

The scene in the Bayeux Tapestry depicting Harold (right) swearing an oath on holy relics to Duke William (left). The Tapestry gives no details of the oath, but Norman sources say that Harold swore to support William’s claim to the English throne. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)

Duke William’s cause​

William of Normandy learnt that Harold Godwineson had been crowned king of England in January 1066, on the death of King Edward the Confessor. William was convinced that he himself was Edward’s rightful heir, and outraged at the apparent treachery of Harold, who he declared had sworn to support his claim.

He was determined to confront Harold and win his crown through conquest. To do so, however, he would need the support of his leading magnates and their men.

In the spring of 1066 William called his Norman vassals together to present his cause and consult them on his invasion plans.
Scene from the Bayeux Tapestry showing Duke William (left of centre) in council with his half-brother, Bishop Odo of Bayeux. After hearing the news of Harold’s coronation from a messenger, he is ordering ships to be built for the invasion fleet

Duke William (left of centre) in council with his half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux. After hearing the news of Harold’s coronation, he is ordering ships to be built for the invasion fleet. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)

Persuasion and bribery​

At first, the response was mixed. Some leading figures responded warmly, committing themselves and their knights to follow William. Others warned that the invasion would be arduous and beyond the resources of the Norman duchy. Some were concerned about both the dangers of a sea crossing and the huge numbers of English they could expect to fight. Others even questioned whether they owed William service overseas.

But William eventually won their support. We are told that he appealed to their loyalty. And the duke’s cause gained legitimacy when news came that the pope gave it his backing.

No doubt some were eager to demonstrate their allegiance to William. But more worldly motives were at play too. According to one chronicler, among William’s army were men ‘panting for the spoils of England’. Where principle was lacking, the opportunity for wealth and fortune was inducement enough.
These three scenes from the Bayeux Tapestry show preparations for the invasion under way. In the top scene, woodsmen and carpenters cut down trees and shape the wood into planks. Below, carpenters build the ships; and in the bottom scene, men carry arms and armour towards their ships while others haul a large barrel of wine. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)

Preparing for invasion​

The task of preparing an invasion force was formidable. William would have to summon an army, provision its men and horses, and prepare a fleet to transport them across the sea.

As news of William’s enterprise spread, men came from Normandy, Brittany, Poitou, Burgundy and other parts of modern France. The Bayeux Tapestry depicts the preparations made during the summer of 1066 – barrels of wine being transported on wagons, and men carrying mail hauberks (body-length armour), spears and swords towards the invasion fleet.

The Bayeux Tapestry also shows men felling trees and building ships. William had ordered his vassals to provide ships, each according to his means. Their response is revealed by a document now known as the Ship List, which records the number of ships provided by William’s magnates. Topping the list are William’s half-brothers – Robert, Count of Mortain, and Odo, Bishop of Bayeux – who provided 120 and 100 ships respectively.

The Ship List counts 776 ships, but William’s fleet was probably larger, since it omits both the duke’s ships and those of some lords with maritime estates. Separately, the List says that William had 1,000 ships in his fleet.

It is unlikely that all the ships were newly built, and far more probable that existing ships were requisitioned. The Bayeux Tapestry shows the ships as relatively small, shallow and clinker-built – with long tiers or runs of overlapping planking along the ships’ sides.

Archaeological evidence for boats in this period suggests these depictions are accurate for warships, but their uniformity is probably deceptive. The fleet amassed by William almost certainly included fishing and cargo vessels which, with their deeper draught, were more stable and better equipped to carry horses and heavy loads.
A wide river estuary, viewed from the air, showing a road on the left running towards a town on the far bank of the estuary and boats at anchor in the water

The Dives estuary today. Its size in 1066 – probably much larger than today – would have enabled William to gather and shelter hundreds of ships there© Andia/Alamy

Stormy weather​

By the beginning of August William’s army and fleet had amassed at Dives-sur-Mer, at the wide mouth of the river Dives. Although we cannot be certain of the size of William’s army, there were probably around 8,000 fighting men and over 2,000 horses. Here they waited for a south wind to fill the ships’ sails and convey them across the English Channel.

Instead, for over a month, tempestuous winds blew from the west, bringing with them continuous rain and rough seas. It was a frustrating wait. But contemporary chroniclers applauded the fruits of William’s careful preparations: his men had enough provisions to ensure they did not ravage the surrounding countryside.

Directly north of William’s fleet, across the channel, lay the Solent – the strait that separates the Isle of Wight from mainland England – and the potential landing place of Portsmouth harbour. King Harold evidently thought this was William’s most likely landing place and had his fleet guarding it throughout the summer.

On 8 September Harold’s army guarding the coast disbanded and his fleet returned to London. Some historians suggest that William deliberately delayed his departure from Dives until Harold had stood down his forces. If this was the case, however, it is odd that the Norman chroniclers, so often keen to praise William’s military genius, only reported how the weather played against him.
A black and white engraving showing medieval figures in procession, with ships in the background

An engraving of 1784 showing the Normans carrying St Valery’s body in procession from the church at Saint-Valery-sur-Somme. (Source: Wellcome Collection)

An abortive launch​

In any event, when he eventually set sail, William’s departure almost turned into a disaster.

In the second week of September William attempted to launch his ships from Dives-sur-Mer. But as the fleet left the haven of the river and entered the English Channel, it was beset by west winds and blown a hundred miles east along the treacherous Normandy coast.

The fleet suffered terrible shipwrecks before ending up at Saint-Valery-sur-Somme, in the neighbouring county of Ponthieu. William had to resort to secretly burying the dead to avoid undermining morale.

William spent two weeks at Saint-Valery, frequently praying at the shrine of the saint who gave the town its name. In desperation, he arranged for the saint’s body to be carried from the church in procession, in the hope that St Valery would intercede on his behalf and that God would change the winds.

William’s prayers were answered at the end of the month. Contemporaries would have seen the providential turning of the wind as a sign of God’s favour for the Norman expedition. On 27 September William’s fleet set sail for England.
A large ship loaded with men and horses depicted in the Bayeux Tapestry, with a smaller ship upper left. The device on the masthead of this ship, possibly a papal banner or a lantern, suggests that it is probably the Mora, the ship paid for by Duke William’s wife, Matilda

The device on the masthead of this ship, possibly a papal banner or a lantern, suggests that it is probably the Mora, the ship paid for by Duke William’s wife, Matilda. Although the Ship List tells us the Mora had a carved figurehead on its prow, here the figurehead is on the stern. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)

Crossing the channel​

With the arrival of a southerly wind, men and horses embarked onto their ships. At sunset on 27 September, trumpets summoned William’s vessels to meet the rising tide and begin the channel crossing.

Sailing through the night carried the risk that ships might inadvertently break away from the group and be lost, so lit lanterns were placed on masts so that the fleet stayed together. One early account of the invasion described how the glow of torches filled the ocean just as stars fill the heavens.

The Ship List tells us that William’s ship was called the Mora, and was a gift from his wife, Matilda. On its prow was a carved figurehead depicting a golden child, its right hand pointing towards England and its left holding a horn to its lips. Such a figurehead appears on one of the ships depicted in the Bayeux Tapestry.
Two ships depicted in the Bayeux Tapestry. They are both carrying men and horses

The Bayeux Tapestry depicts horses sitting calmly in shallow-draughted ships. In reality the horses may have been conveyed in cargo ships with deeper holds. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)
The 91-mile crossing could be expected to take about 12 hours. Early chroniclers record that William ordered the fleet to weigh anchor on reaching the open sea, to ensure an orderly arrival in England during daylight hours. Some hours later, a trumpet call and a fire signal from William’s mast ordered the fleet onwards, to follow in his wake.

The accounts of the invasion credit William with the successful management of his fleet, but it was the captains and helmsmen on the ships who secured a safe crossing. Their experience and skill – especially when sailing at night in the absence of navigational landmarks – were critical.

We know that the Mora’s captain was called Stephen, that he continued to captain William’s ships in his subsequent crossings of the English Channel, and that William rewarded him with property in England.

Arrival at Pevensey​

About three hours after dawn on 28 September, William’s fleet arrived at Pevensey Bay on the Sussex coast. Here, a wide tidal estuary formed a natural harbour which, together with smaller inlets to the east, provided haven for the ships. William’s disembarkation was unopposed – King Harold was far away in York, celebrating his victory three days before over Harald Hardrada, King of Norway.

Twelfth-century accounts of the landing record a tradition that upon disembarking William tripped and fell, landing with his arms outstretched on the ground and cutting his nose. Some of the men around him considered this a bad omen. But William fitz Osbern, friend and leading vassal of the duke, had the wit to defuse the situation by declaring that William had already taken England in his hands and consecrated it as his inheritance with his blood.
A reconstruction drawing showing the Norman fleet landing at Pevensey Bay on the morning of 28 September 1066. In the foreground are the walls of a Roman fort, and men and horses are streaming from the many ships onto the shore

A reconstruction drawing showing the Norman fleet landing at Pevensey Bay on the morning of 28 September 1066. The coastline is much changed since William landed, and at the time the sea would have come much closer to the fort walls (seen in the foreground) than it does today© Historic England (illustration by Peter Urmston)
The west gate of the Roman fort at Pevensey, where William may have built a ditch to guard the landward approach. The Roman fort walls provided shelter for William’s invading force. Beyond the gate, parts of the later medieval castle are visible

The west gate of the Roman fort at Pevensey, where William may have built a ditch to guard the landward approach. The Roman fort walls provided shelter for William’s invading force. Beyond the gate, parts of the later medieval castle are visible
On the west side of Pevensey Bay was the settlement of Pevensey, largely located within the walls of a former Roman shore fort. William’s men swiftly occupied it, presumably displacing the inhabitants.

Early accounts tell us that William built new fortifications at Pevensey. A century later the poet Wace would describe how William’s army had brought pre-cut timbers from Normandy, and that these were used to build the first castle at Pevensey, encircled with a ditch.

It seems more likely, however, that the initial fortification was more hastily improvised. At this stage it may have been limited to a large ditch cut across the landward approach to the fort’s west gate.

Read more about Pevensey Castle’s history
A scene from the Bayeux Tapestry depicting two scouts galloping away from ships on the left. The Latin caption tells us that they are hurrying towards Hastings to seize food

Immediately after landing, Norman scouts gallop away from their ships towards Hastings, in search of food for the invading army. (Detail of the official digital representation of the Bayeux Tapestry – 11th century)

Onward to Hastings​

Having secured the west end of his beachhead, William turned his attention eastwards, quickly moving to the town and port of Hastings.

Although none of the accounts of the invasion describe his route, it seems more likely that he would have travelled by ship rather than taking the longer land route around the marshy Pevensey Bay.

At Hastings, William ordered the construction of a second castle. It was here that he made his base, while the Norman army ravaged the surrounding countryside, taking provisions and terrorising the local people.

Two weeks later William received word that King Harold was approaching with a large army.

William’s victory at the Battle of Hastings, fought 16 days after the landing at Pevensey, was testament to his extraordinary feat in raising, transporting and landing his vast invasion fleet.


By Roy Porter, Senior Curator of Properties, English Heritage

Bayeux Tapestry images courtesy City of Bayeux, DRAC Normandie, University of Caen Normandie, CNRS, Ensicaen, Photos: 2017 – La Fabrique de patrimoines en Normandie
 
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Winston Churchill sits in a railway station reading a newspaper before boarding a train.
It would take him north to Fife, where he would inspect various coastal defences and installations.
October 1940.
 

The Harrying of the North​

Victory at the Battle of Hastings did not guarantee William control of England. The rebellious North had to be brought into line, which it was, ruthlessly, in the winter of 1069.

James Aitcheson | Published in 12 Oct 2016. www.historytoday.com

Normans burning Anglo-Saxon buildings, in a scene from the Bayeux Tapestry – a prelude to the Harrying of the North.
Normans burning Anglo-Saxon buildings, in a scene from the Bayeux Tapestry – a prelude to the Harrying of the North.

The Battle of Hastings is the most famous event of the Norman Conquest, but it was only the opening engagement in the invaders' consolidation of power in England.

For several years afterwards, the country was riven by internal conflict as the Normans fought to extend their rule, climaxing in a notorious campaign known today as the ‘Harrying of the North’.

The Harrying, which took place over the winter of 1069–70, saw William’s knights lay waste to Yorkshire and neighbouring shires.

Entire villages were razed and their inhabitants killed, livestock slaughtered and stores of food destroyed.

This scorched-earth operation is one of the defining episodes of the Conquest, not just from a military-political perspective but also in terms of how it has shaped modern perceptions of the Normans as a tyrannical and merciless warrior class.

But why were such brutal measures considered necessary and why was the north in particular targeted?

By the winter of 1069, the Norman war machine had been active in the field for more than three years.

Throughout 1067 and 1068 there had been a succession of localised revolts and incursions by foreign foes in various corners of the country – Devon, Kent, Herefordshire and the midland earldom of Mercia – although each of these was swiftly put down.

Castles were established, including in the major towns of Warwick, Nottingham, York, Lincoln, Huntingdon and Cambridge, in an effort to quell the disturbances and impose control

. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that, even by the beginning of 1069, William was still not master of the entire kingdom.

His authority extended no further north than York and it was in the region beyond that the greatest threat to his rule lay.

William’s early attempts to bring the northerners under his heel had involved appointing native English earls to govern them: first Copsig and then Gospatric.

Both appointments had been dismal failures: the former was assassinated by a rival in 1067; the latter defected in 1068 to the midland rebels.

Finally, in January 1069, William sent one of his own men, Robert Cumin, at the head of an army to conquer the region by force, only for them to be ambushed and slaughtered at Durham.

Worse was to come. That summer the Normans found themselves at the centre of a perfect storm, as their enemies all began marching at once.

Foremost among them was a coalition of Northumbrian noblemen, including Gospatric but led by Edgar Ætheling, then around 17 years old and making a fresh bid for the crown, having already been briefly acclaimed king in London following Harold’s death in 1066.

The Northumbrian threat was compounded in August when a Danish invasion fleet numbering some 240 or 300 ships – depending on which source we believe – arrived in the Humber.

The two forces swiftly formed an alliance and together attacked York.

Meanwhile there was further trouble on the Welsh border, where a rebellious thegn named Eadric had joined forces with the Welsh kings and the men of Chester. In the south-west, the men of Devon and Cornwall were in revolt.

It is unlikely that these risings were co-ordinated; the impression given by the sources is that their timing was coincidental.

But the crisis nonetheless tested the Normans to the limit and marked a crucial turning point in the Conquest.

Leaving the problem of the south-western insurrection to his deputies, William first confronted the Welsh and their allies, crushing them at Stafford, before marching north.

He eventually reached York a little before Christmas, only to find that, on hearing of his approach, the Northumbrians and their Danish allies had strategically withdrawn: the former to their hiding-places in the hills and woods; the latter to their ships in the Humber.

Frustrated by his inability to meet his principal enemies in battle, William was forced to adopt a new strategy.

He secretly approached the Danes, promising them a vast amount of silver and gold if they would leave England in the spring, to which they readily agreed.

That accomplished, William then turned his attention to the recalcitrant Northumbrians, who had proven a perennial thorn in his side.

Shortly after Christmas in 1069 he divided his army into raiding-parties, which he dispatched to carry out the Harrying.

The object of the campaign was two-fold. First, William sought to flush out and eliminate the Northumbrian rebels.

More importantly, by destroying the region’s resources so comprehensively, he sought to put an end to the cycle of rebellions by ensuring that any future insurgents would lack the means to support themselves.

The campaign was as efficient as it was effective. William’s armies spread out over more than one hundred miles of territory, as far north as the River Tyne.

The 12th-century chronicler John of Worcester writes that food was so scarce in the aftermath that people were reduced to eating not just horses, dogs and cats but also human flesh.

Another historian, Orderic Vitalis – a contemporary of John’s – claims that as many as 100,000 people died as a result of famine in the following months.

While we are rightly suspicious of such a round figure, a death toll somewhere in the tens of thousands is not hard to believe: this at a time when the total population of England was probably little more than two million.

The affected region took a long time to recover.

Symeon of Durham writes that no village remained inhabited between York and Durham and that the countryside remained empty and uncultivated for nine years.

Even by 1086, when Domesday was compiled, one third of the available land in Yorkshire was still recorded as vasta ('waste').

In the course of just a few weeks William had not only clearly demonstrated the punishment that awaited those who rose against him.

And he had also snuffed out what lingering hopes the rebels might have had of driving out the invaders.

There were further risings in the years to come, but William never again faced a crisis of the same magnitude as he had in 1069. What Hastings had heralded, the Harrying confirmed.

The Normans were here to stay.
 
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